Republican lawmakers are increasingly bucking President Trump on a series of high-stakes issues, exposing fractures within the party that could complicate his legislative agenda and reshape the political landscape ahead of the midterms.

In the latest sign of discord, four House Republicans joined Democrats to pass a war powers resolution aimed at forcing Trump to end U.S. military involvement in Iran. The vote, which came as Trump backtracks on his anti-war pledge, underscores the growing unease among GOP members over the administration's foreign policy.

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On the Senate side, six Republicans voted with Democrats to block construction of Trump's planned White House ballroom unless Congress formally authorizes the project. The same group also supported an amendment sponsored by Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.) to prevent Trump from reviving a controversial $1.8 billion fund that critics have labeled a potential slush fund for Trump allies, including individuals convicted of crimes related to the Jan. 6 Capitol attack.

The pushback extends to nominations as well. Three GOP senators voted to bar Bill Pulte, Trump's pick for acting director of national intelligence, from serving in the role. Pulte's appointment has drawn bipartisan alarm, with some lawmakers questioning his qualifications. Rep. Jim Himes called Pulte Trump's 'worst and most dangerous' intelligence pick, while the move has sparked bipartisan concern.

Several of the lawmakers challenging Trump are lame ducks or primary losers. Cassidy lost his primary to a Trump-backed challenger, as did Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.), who voted for the war powers measure. Sens. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) and John Cornyn (R-Texas), both defeated in primaries after clashing with Trump, have also become vocal critics.

“The House margin was always pretty narrow, but now that you’ve antagonized Tillis, Cassidy, Cornyn, and you add to that the kind of dynamics you already have with Murkowski and Collins, I think you’re creating a much bigger challenge to actually getting anything passed in the Senate this year,” said Marc Short, who served as Trump’s legislative affairs director during his first term. He was referring to Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) and Susan Collins (R-Maine), who have frequently voted against Trump.

Collins faces a tough reelection bid in a state Trump has lost twice, while Murkowski is not up for reelection until 2028. Sen. John Curtis (R-Utah) has warned that acting Attorney General Todd Blanche's nomination could be held up if the anti-weaponization fund survives. Tillis has said he will not support Blanche unless he condemns the Jan. 6 attacks. Trump responded by calling Tillis “a loser” who is “trying to make trouble.”

Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) acknowledged the uncertainty, telling reporters, “This is an environment where nothing’s a safe or a sure bet these days.”

A White House spokesperson dismissed the notion of real divisions, calling them “nonexistent” and fueled by media and Democrats. “President Trump is committed to maintaining Republican majorities in the House and Senate,” said Abigail Jackson. “The White House and President Trump have enjoyed working closely with House and Senate Republicans to deliver on many important promises to the American people.”

But for lawmakers facing tough races, political calculations often dictate when to support or oppose the administration. Of the six GOP senators who voted to block the ballroom construction, three — Collins, Sen. Dan Sullivan (Alaska), and Sen. Jon Husted (Ohio) — are all in competitive reelection fights. They also voted against the anti-weaponization fund, which was sponsored by Cassidy, a primary loser.

As the midterms approach, the growing list of defections suggests that Trump's grip on his party may be loosening, even as he remains its most influential figure.