The Democratic Socialists of America are making their presence felt in Democratic primaries, but their victories remain largely confined to the party's safest urban seats. This raises a critical question for Democrats as they eye midterm gains: can a leftward lurch build a national majority?
In recent months, DSA-endorsed candidates have ousted incumbents in New York, Washington, D.C., Philadelphia, and Denver. The latest upset came Tuesday in Colorado, where 29-year-old Melat Kiros defeated veteran Rep. Diana DeGette. Though DeGette is no centrist, the loss underscored a generational shift as much as an ideological one.
These wins follow a pattern: they occur in cities and college towns that are already Democratic bastions. Replacing one liberal with a more left-wing alternative does little to expand the party's coalition, argue strategists who urge picking pragmatic candidates for swing districts.
Indeed, polling shows voters already view Democrats as "too liberal." A recent survey found 29% of U.S. voters open to socialist candidates, but support is concentrated among young, educated, and affluent voters. In New York, DSA-backed candidates Claire Valdez and Darializa Avila Chevalier won primaries in the so-called "commie corridor," a district dense with college graduates.
Avila Chevalier, a sociology instructor, has called for the "total eradication of Western Civilization" and attended a pro-Palestinian rally the day after Hamas's October 7 attack. Her platform includes open borders, abolishing ICE, universal rent control, national health insurance, ending U.S. support for Israel, and nationalizing industries. Such positions make even Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez appear moderate by comparison.
DSA's own manifesto bristles with contempt for "corporate" Democrats and American capitalism, which it labels "racial capitalism." It calls for dismantling the "U.S. war machine," ending economic sanctions on Cuba, Venezuela, and Iran, and says little about Russian or Chinese repression. The group's focus on Israel often veers into rhetoric hard to distinguish from antisemitism.
Despite claims to speak for working people, data tells a different story. Brad Lander, a DSA-backed candidate in New York, won Manhattan and Brooklyn with wealthy, educated voters but lost among low-income constituencies. Similarly, Zohran Mamdani won college graduates by 19 points but lost non-college voters by 8 points in his mayoral primary. Wealthy, educated voters drive the socialist surge, not the working class.
Democratic socialism remains a European import with shallow American roots. The collapse of the Soviet Union and China's market turn seemed to bury it. Young activists now championing it rarely grapple with its historical failures to deliver liberty, rule of law, or prosperity. For Democrats hoping to retake Congress, the DSA's urban insurgency may be more liability than asset.
