David Crane, the former U.S. War Crimes Ambassador, once described private corporations enabling war crimes as creatures that "do not like the light of day." That metaphor rang through a recent hearing of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on Capitol Hill, where lawmakers and witnesses explored options for holding enablers of Russia's child abductions accountable.
While President Vladimir Putin remains beyond the reach of international courts—Russia is not a signatory to the Rome Statute—the focus is shifting to the executives and officials who operationalize his policies. Witnesses argued that the United States and its allies should impose consequences on lower-level Russian government figures and corporate leaders who facilitate the abduction and indoctrination of Ukrainian children.
The hearing coincided with a Yale School of Public Health study that found Russian energy giants Rosneft and Gazprom helped transport roughly 2,158 children from occupied Ukrainian territories to at least six summer camps inside Russia and Russian-occupied Ukraine. Three of those camps were owned by Gazprom subsidiaries. The report accused the companies of underwriting the deportation, indoctrination, and militarization of children.
Russia's oil and gas sector is projected to account for over 22 percent of the federal budget in 2026, making it central to sustaining the invasion. Rosneft and Gazprom, led by Putin's closest allies, are the sector's largest players. International law classifies the transfer of children from occupied territory to the occupying power as a war crime, regardless of motive.
Ukraine estimates that nearly 20,000 children have been abducted. In occupied areas, schoolchildren face pro-Russian "patriotic education" programs designed to erase Ukrainian identity through Russification—a goal Putin has openly pursued. The International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants in 2023 for Putin and Russia's Children's Rights Commissioner Maria Lvova-Belova for the unlawful deportation and transfer of children.
But enforcement is impossible without Moscow's cooperation. As a result, experts advocate targeting the network of enablers. The Yale report identified 44 entities involved in child transfers—including camps, oil and gas subsidiaries, trade unions, and senior directors—but noted that 80 percent have not been sanctioned by the U.S. or Europe.
Crane, who prosecuted war crimes in West Africa, endorsed "naming and shaming" as a tool. "There's nothing wrong with it," he said. "It's bad press for any corporation to be named in something like this." He urged a campaign targeting senior executives one or two levels below oligarchs—those with operational control over subsidiaries involved in abuses.
These mid-level executives often retain access to the West. In 2025, 49 percent of Russian foreign real estate transactions were in Europe, and Russians are obtaining residence permits, Schengen travel rights, and EU bank accounts. The U.S. saw a 78.5 percent year-on-year surge in Russian demand for real estate in the first half of 2025. Travel to Western Europe has also rebounded since the early war period.
The U.S. Treasury and State departments could impose targeted sanctions, asset freezes, and travel bans on those listed in the Yale report. Congress and the administration could also use the Global Magnitsky Act, which allows visa bans and asset freezes for human rights abusers and corrupt actors. Creating consequences for participation in Russia's atrocities may do more to curtail them than targeting Putin or flagship corporations alone.
Dmitriy Shapiro is a research analyst and editor at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.
